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links zu den anschlägen vom 11.9.2001
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5. bündnisse und militärschlag
the american prospect (30.11.2004)
http://www.prospect.org/web/page.ww?sec tion=root&name=viewweb&articleid=8908
der befürchtete bürgerkrieg im irak ist nach ansicht von matthew yglesias in städten wie mosul und tikrit bereits ausgebrochen. "in the north (including mosul) security is provided by peshmerga currently aligned with the interim government but more loyal to kurdistan than to iraq as they've been happy to make clear in disputed areas like kirkuk. in many southern towns, security is effectively in the hands of militias loyal to one or the other shiite party rather than to the government per se. last weekend's fracas over whether or not to delay the scheduled january elections for a national assembly confirms the trend. ostensibly a dispute about whether or not security will be sufficient to permit credible elections, the true dividing lines are rather different. sunni and secular parties, sure to be worse off after secular and sunni-friendly (though actually shiite by heritage) iyad allawi is replaced by a government dominated by shiite islamists, want a delay. the shiite parties, in turn, think elections (and the shiite rise to power) can't come soon enough. the kurdish parties say they could live with either outcome, but would prefer a delay."
asia times (30.11.2004)
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/front_page /fk30aa01.html
ehsan ahrari erläutert die strategie des pentagons, zukünftige kriege und auch den kampf gegen den terror durch überwältigende technologische überlegenheit gewinnen zu wollen. "the chief basis of the popularity of network-centric warfare is that it is so natural to the age-old us cultural idiosyncrasy of viewing technology as a silver bullet to all contemporary problems and challenges, including winning wars. (...) there is little doubt that if us forces were to face a conventional adversary in a battlefield, network-centric warfare would serve as an awesome force multiplier. however, for the remainder of this and the next decade, the chief threat to the us comes from terrorists and insurgents who will fight the us everywhere they have an advantage. insurgents and terrorists, even though they will work assiduously to maximize their advantage over the us, aren't driven by the use of high technology, nor do they practice techniques of conventional warfare. (...) considering that its current enemy relies heavily on whatever measures that serve its purpose of harming the us, its assets and its citizenry, the pentagon's continued excessive preoccupation deserves serious reconsideration."
telepolis (30.11.2004)
http://www.heise.de/tp/r4/artikel/18/18 917/1.html
thomas pany berichtet über politische und technische schwierigkeiten bei der bevorstehenden durchführung von wahlen im irak. "in zwei monaten wird im irak gewählt. der genaue termin, der 30. januar, wurde am sonntag vor einer woche festgesetzt; seither hat sich die debatte darüber, wie legitim die wahlen zu diesem zeitpunkt wären, verschärft. vorläufiger höhepunkt dieser debatte war der antrag auf eine mehrmonatige verschiebung, den sunnitische und kurdische parteien am letzten freitag bekannt gaben. gleichwohl hält die irakische übergangsregierung am festgesetzten termin fest, unterstützt wird sie dabei von den usa und den schiitischen führern, allen voran der "grauen eminenz" großayatollah al-sistani. indes zeigt sich jenseits der politischen positionskämpfe, dass die durchführung der wahlen auch einige technische schwierigkeiten zu bewältigen hat."
editor&publisher und the real cities network (30.11.2004)
http://www.editorandpublisher.com/eandp /columns/pressingissues_display.jsp?vnu _content_id=1000727206
tom lasseter mit einer ausführlichen reportage über die kämpfe in falludscha. greg mitchell vom amerikanischen medienjournal "editor&publisher" kommentiert: "lasseter's account is shattering after reading so many bland overviews and body counts. reading such stories (if you can still find them) you'd think wrecking a large city to save it, and rendering tens of thousands homeless, is not such a big deal. why dwell on it, even if, like hue, the city's name, and what happened there, will likely resonate for decades? but here, thanks to lasseter, we see a city destroyed block by block. we watch guts and body parts flying and encounter dead iraqis who have been gnawed on by stray cats. we meet individual soldiers and hear their words (and sometimes read their thoughts). they are portrayed with much empathy but also caught in revealing conversations." zweiter link: www.realcities.com/mld/krwas hington/10264554.htm
the new york times (30.11.2004)
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/30/inter national/middleeast/30police.htm?pagewa nted=all&position=
die "new york times" berichtet, dass die zahlreichen attentate auf irakische sicherheitskräfte ihre von den tätern beabsichtigte wirkung nicht verfehlen würden. "while bush administration officials say that the training is progressing and that there have been instances in which the iraqis have proved tactically useful and fought bravely, local american commanders and security officials say both iraqi forces are riddled with problems. in the most violent provinces, they say, the iraqis are so intimidated that many are reluctant to show up and do not tell their families where they work; they have yet to receive adequate training or weapons, present a danger to american troops they fight alongside, and are unreliable because of corruption, desertion or infiltration. given the weak performance of iraqi forces, any major withdrawal of american troops for at least a decade would invite chaos, a senior interior ministry official, whose name could not be used, said in an interview last week."
the new york times (30.11.2004)
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/30/opini on/30malley.html?oref=login
um das sicherheitsdilemma der im januar geplanten nationalen wahlen im irak zu umgehen, schlagen robert malley und joost hiltermann vor, zunächst lokale wahlen in sicheren regionen des landes durchzuführen. "the decision of whether to postpone the national elections should be negotiated by the united nations special envoy and sanctioned by the security council. but a delay would not be the disaster many predict if the country could go ahead with the scheduled elections for provincial councils. while it would be best to have as many of these elections as possible in january, the rest should proceed on a rolling basis as security improves. only when elections yielding legitimate provincial councils can take place in all remaining regions should national elections be held. in the short term, nothing irrevocable would be lost if provincial races in some sunni areas were delayed, and much could be gained if the period were used to put in place a strategy aimed at drawing sunni arabs into the political process."
the weekly standard (29.11.2004)
http://www.weeklystandard.com/content/p ublic/articles/000/000/004/965nvwyk.asp
"two, three, many fallujas" - in anlehnung an eine äußerung che guevaras zum vietnamkrieg begrüßt mackubin thomas owens die besatzung falludschas und die vertreibung der "terroristen" durch us-truppen. "but the second-guessing has already begun. critics are asking what the operation in falluja really accomplished. they note that the insurgents' leaders appear to have escaped and that violence has erupted elsewhere in northern iraq. media accounts also routinely describe the fighting outside falluja as a "rebel counteroffensive" that surprised the u.s. military, implying that the reduction of falluja merely created more insurgents. but the view conveyed by these headlines is myopic. an equivalent headline in june 1944 would have read: "massive u.s. casualties on omaha beach; hitler's reich remains intact, defiant." such stories fail to place falluja, mosul, tal afar, and other cities in northern iraq in context. the fact is that falluja is part of a campaign, a series of coordinated events - movements, battles, and supporting operations - designed to achieve strategic or operational objectives within a military theater. falluja is just one battle, albeit an extremely important one, in a comprehensive campaign to stabilize the sunni triangle."
democracy now! (29.11.2004)
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl? sid=04/11/29/1448226
der freie journalist dahr jamail wirft den us-truppen in diesem interview mit "democracy now" vor, in falludscha giftgas und andere unkonventionelle waffen verwendet zu haben. "i have interviewed many refugees over the last week coming out of fallujah at different times from different locations within the city. the consistent stories that i have been getting have been refugees describing phosphorous weapons, horribly burned bodies, fires that burn on people when they touch these weapons, and they are unable to extinguish the fires even after dumping large amounts of water on the people. many people are reporting cluster bombs, as well."
the international herald tribune (29.11.2004)
http://www.iht.com/articles/2004/11/28/ opinion/edfried.html
thomas l. friedman meint, dass sich die zukunft des irak innerhalb der nächsten monate entscheiden wird. "wars are fought for political ends. soldiers can only do so much. and the last mile in every war is about claiming the political fruits. the bad guys in iraq can lose every mile on every road, but if they beat america on the last mile - because they are able to intimidate better than america is able to coordinate, protect, inform, invest and motivate - they will win and america will lose."
the daily star (29.11.2004)
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp ?edition_id=10&categ_id=5&article_id=10 486
raad alkadiri kritisiert die irak-strategie der us-regierung, die bei ihrem festhalten an den geplanten wahlen im januar von falschen voraussetzungen ausgehen würde. "the most obvious problem is that american officials continue to view iraqi politics through the narrow prism of sectarianism and ethnicity. they remain wedded to the notion that iraq is an amalgam of three basically monolithic communities - shiite, sunni, and kurd - and that sectarianism and ethnicity will determine voting patterns. (...) but u.s. officials rarely, if ever, question how representative these parties - and the agendas they espouse - really are. opinion polls taken during the past year suggest that outside of the kurdish north, where the two large kurdish parties enjoy a broad following, only the shiite al-daawa party could claim a significant constituency. a recent poll conducted by the iraqi center for research and strategic studies suggested that while iraqis are generally supportive of elections, over 40 percent of respondents believed that the absence of "real" political parties would impede the process. indeed, there is arguably a large plurality - if not a majority - of the iraqi arab electorate that remains secular and nationalist in political orientation and that opposes the sectarian and ethnic agendas of the large parties, but that has no effective public voice."
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